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To formulate an argument that places the perceptions of occupational health hazards, the threat of violence and emotional risks experienced by sex workers on a continuum, the results section will be divided into three. The first section describes how sex workers in this ethnography understood occupational risks in relation to their health. Second, I present the findings around the prevalence of and response to violence from male clients. Third, the relationship between selling sex and emotional risks will be described. It must be said from the outset, that because the respondents in this study were mainly women who worked from indoor markets, this environment had a significant bearing on their perceptions of risk.
Women who worked in indoor sex markets were generally aware of the issues relating to the potential health risks of selling sex for money, and all women interviewed confirmed that they always used condoms with clients for all sexual acts. Respondents had acquired specialist professional knowledge as well as created their own strategies to minimise health risks in prostitution. Remembering that the respondents were contacted initially through a sexual health promotion project, this is an expected finding, as this group of women are in regular contact with specialist health professionals and attend the genito-urinary clinic.
Speaking with the women and observing their behaviour over a period of time highlighted that health-related matters were not considered to be the most serious danger compared to other types of risks that sex workers face in their everyday professional lives. Diane had worked in saunas for the past 10 years, had four children and had successfully brought up her family in a suburban part of the city. She explained how health risks were considered to be one of the more straightforward and manageable pitfalls of sex work: ‘There are other stressful parts to this job, and the clinic is always there if something goes wrong. Your health is your own responsibility, so we can protect ourselves’ 1 .
Sex workers described two key health risks related to their work: clients forcing unprotected sex or condoms breaking, leaking or coming off, all of which could cause sexually transmitted infections and HIV. The use of caps and contraception meant that pregnancy was usually not considered a work-related health risk. However, health risks were not considered the most destructive type of occupational hazard for the following reasons. First, most women believed, and said it was their experience, that clients who purchase commercial sex from indoor markets were usually compliant with the discourses of safe sex and were willing to accept the ‘house rules’ of the establishment and the personal rules of the worker. Second, and related to the first rationalisation, sex workers maintained that men who wanted unprotected sex would go to the street market where they were more likely to find women willing to barter for high prices in exchange for non-condom use. ‘It is on the street where men can get cheap sex without [a condom], cos’ the girls are all desperate for drugs’ (Cassie, sauna).
Thirdly, veterans of the sex industry were extremely confident in their working practices and routines regarding their assertiveness over male clients and their command of the sexual transaction. Women explained how the routinisation of the service was built around achieving compliance, particularly with condom use. This translated into a sense of control over the commercial transaction: ‘Nothing bad happens in the sauna because the girls were always much more strong minded than the clients and they know exactly how to deal with the situation’ (Aliya, sauna). ‘I try not to show that I am nervous, as then you are not in control. I am really confident. I just give them instructions, gently but forcefully put the condom on and tell them what to do’ (Dora, sauna). This supports Barnard’s (1993) findings that control over the client encounter is critical for sex workers to achieve compliance. Fourth, there was a belief amongst the women who worked in collective establishments such as saunas and brothels that in the event that a client would be non-compliant by trying to force unsafe sex, help was nearby. The threat of third party intervention was considered a deterrent to dangerous customers. Also, various checking systems were in place that reinforced women’s feelings of safety in collective working environments (see below).
Rationalisations that reduced the priority given to health risks relied on two further premises. First, sex workers did not only depend on the rules of the establishment set down by the owner such as ‘no anal sex and condoms always to be used’ (May et al. 2000: 26). Wider cultural norms within the sex work community reinforced safe sex as an integral aspect of the commercial sexual transaction in the indoor sex markets. The women I contacted who worked in the indoor markets vehemently reinforced these rules. For instance, a moral hierarchy existed which placed sex workers outside the community if they did not comply with the rules. Explaining the sex acts that are considered unacceptable, Katrina who had worked in various sex markets over nine years said: ‘Oral without [a condom] to completion, there is anal [sex] . . . the girls are getting more degrading. I see me as a worker and them as dirty prostitutes. How can you have sex without, anal without? You are playing Russian roulette with your life. I wouldn’t do it, I have been offered money for it and it is tempting but no thanks, it is your health’. The prevalence and expectation of condom use meant that risks to health were generally not an everyday occurrence for most indoor workers.

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